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Steven
Shi and Drake Weisert
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Chinese officials are
addressing the
widespread problem of
ineffective and corrupt
management and
accounting in Chinese
public companies |
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China,
like the United States, has weathered a number of its own financial
scandals over the last year. As a result, PRC officials are examining
more closely than ever the issue of corporate governance—the
means by which various corporate participants, including managers,
shareholders, and banks, share rights and responsibilities. Legislation
has tackled many problems in recent years, including lack of transparent
information disclosure, the need to separate enterprise from government
control, and the need for independent board directors. This year
the PRC government announced that local regulators would crack down
on corporate and securities |
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law
violations, focusing on the relationship between listed and parent companies,
the use of capital raised from markets, and the accuracy of financial
data. Such initiatives, however well-intentioned, demonstrate that China’s
corporate culture is not yet entirely successful in fostering professional
managerial behavior. Early
reform
Chinese officials have been studying corporate governance ever since
they launched the Shanghai and Shenzhen stock exchanges in December
1990 and April 1991, respectively. Officials hoped the stock markets
would put household savings to use as financing for listed companies,
most of which were?and still are?profitable parts of state-owned enterprise
(SOE) parents. They were also interested in separating SOE management
from government. As China's capital market developed and SOE reform
progressed, a string of SOEs were restructured into "shareholding" firms?a
new structure for PRC enterprises?in the early 1990s. Some of these
shareholding enterprises undertook initial public offerings (IPOs) and
listed on the Shanghai and Shenzhen exchanges. To date, more than 1,100
companies have listed on the exchanges, according to China’s regulatory
body, the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC), and numerous
unlisted SOEs have turned into shareholding or limited liability entities.
PRC authorities that supported
these economic reforms initially hoped the existence of capital markets
could facilitate the introduction of a modern enterprise management
system based on efficiency and transparency. They also hoped reforms
would help overhaul ailing state-owned businesses without the social
turbulence that they feared would result from massive bankruptcy in
the SOE segment of the economy. Authorities focused on how to allocate
controlling rights among corporate leaders and prevent excessive control
by management; how to ensure that management maximizes investors’
interests; and how to design and implement incentive mechanisms.
Current
legal framework
The current legal framework for corporate governance is based primarily
on the following national laws and regulations: the Certified Accountant
Law (issued in 1993), Audit Law (1994), Company Law (1994), People’s
Bank of China Law (1995), Commercial Bank Law (1995), Securities Law
(1998), and Accounting Law (1999). The key regulatory bodies involved
in the lawmaking process are CSRC, the State Economic and Trade Commission,
the Ministry of Finance, and the People’s Bank of China.
According to the
Company Law, there are three tiers of control over a company’s
operations: the shareholders’ general meeting, the boards of directors
and supervisors, and management. The general shareholders’ meeting
has final say over the key issues of the company, such as approval of
the management strategy, the financial budget and key investment plans,
and the nomination of the boards of directors and supervisors. The board
of directors makes key investment plans and the board of supervisors
oversees the decisionmaking process and performance of senior management
and directors. And management is responsible for day-to-day operations
and for implementing the decisions of the board of directors.
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Problems
from the outset
In practice, key managers sometimes gain control over the shareholders’
general meeting so it functions mainly as a rubber stamp, giving
green lights to decisions already made by senior management. Insiders
have also occasionally won dominant positions on the boards of
directors and supervisors and placed their cronies in board positions.
In such cases, the boards of directors and supervisors merely
serve the demands of controlling parties and their representatives.
In some instances, managers diverted money from state and company
coffers into their own pockets—actions that clearly ran
counter to the goal of increasing the value of shareholders’
investments.
Government
and company efforts to build a corporate governance system during
the 1990s thus existed largely on paper and ultimately contributed
little toward |
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A
string of corporate
scandals, most of which
were spotted by accident,
not only put the
buzzwords “corporate
governance” (gongsi zhili)
in newspaper headlines,
but also prompted
disillusioned investors to
demand reform. |
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an effective system. Both officials and academics were disappointed
when most of these “modernized” enterprises failed to start
earning profits. Beginning in 2001, a string of corporate scandals,
most of which were spotted by accident (see p.42), not only put the
buzz-words “corporate governance” (gongsi zhili)
in newspaper headlines, but also prompted disillusioned investors to
demand reform of the country’s corporate governance structure
for listed companies to revitalize China’s sluggish stock market.
CSRC issued a raft of new regulations and decrees and punished a number
of listed companies, brokerages, accountants, and fund houses. The effect
thus far on China’s stock market has been minimal, however, and
stock prices have not risen significantly since the decline of mid-2001,
when the government raised the possibility of flooding the market with
a selloff of its large shareholdings.
The lack of profitability
and corruption scandals stemmed from the prevalence of structural distortions
among China’s listed companies, which have obstructed the development
of a healthy corporate management system in China and have created an
untrustworthy setting for long-term investors. The systemic problems among China?s
listed companies include:
- Concentrated share ownership
The largest shareholder
stake in listed companies averages 44.9 percent, according to a July
2001 issue of China Securities. In contrast, the second-largest shareholder
typically owns a mere 8.2 percent. Under such a scenario, majority
shareholders can easily ignore minority investors and use information
asymmetries?whereby board directors and senior managers have access
to key information regarding a stock price before individual investors?to
beautify the books and defraud new investors.
- Considerable non-tradable shares
More than 60 percent
of listed companies' shares (both A and B shares) in China are not
in circulation, according to CSRC. The considerable amount of non-tradable
shares in the market makes management indifferent to the fluctuations
in stock prices and the rights of minority shareholders. Meanwhile,
external supervision by government industry regulators, and the media,
remains limited.
- The role of the state
Since most listed firms emerged
out of state-owned entities, the government in many cases owns more
than half, and in some cases up to 80 percent, of a company's shares.
Typically, however, the state does not exercise its rights as a shareholder
to influence management effectively. In fact, majority government
control of listed companies can make it difficult for systems managers
to build healthy corporate governance systems and enhance profitability;
state shares played a negative role in corporate governance among
434 firms surveyed in 2001 by Chen Chien-Hsun and Shih Hui-Tzu, research
fellows at Taiwan's Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research. For
example, the Ministry of Agriculture, as the supervisory agency of
Lantian Co. Ltd., was either unable or unwilling to point out the
company's financial misconduct before it became public.
The government appears to be aware of this problem. As mentioned, CSRC worked out
a scheme last year to sell off some state-owned shares, but the proposal
caused turbulence in the market and drove individual investors?fearing
a crash in stock prices from a massive sale of state shares?out of
stocks. To maintain market stability, CSRC announced in mid-2002 that
it would put the plan on hold.
- A compromised regulator
Though PRC regulations governing the relationship between the state
and company management are adequate, they are not always implemented,
in part because of inadequate resources. Listed companies in China
report to multiple government institutions, with each institution
exerting considerable influence over the company's management. For
example, CSRC shared authority over Lantian with the Ministry of Agriculture
and Hubei local authorities. CSRC also lacks independent enforcement
authority; it must coordinate any effort to penalize rule breakers
with the Ministry of Public Security.
- Absence of incentive mechanisms for management
Most listed companies in China lack an incentive mechanism that ties
the management team's performance to its compensation. In addition,
the absence of solid accounting and prevalence of information asymmetries
boosts management's autonomy. Unfortunately, China's lack of an accounting
culture, coupled with the widespread practice of reporting only good
news to higher-ups, make the organic development of a fair incentive
mechanism unlikely in the near future.
- Lax screening for IPO selection
Poor corporate
governance in China begins before a company is approved for listing.
Many analysts have highlighted the distortion caused by the government's
role in selecting companies for listing. There is also a perception
problem: the prevalent mindset among SOE managers is that capital
raised from the financial markets is free money that can be squandered
with impunity. This attitude has its roots in the era of the planned
economy, when SOE managers would receive loans from state-owned banks
with no obligation to repay them. In order to increase their chances
to be selected for listing, companies have an incentive to inflate
their figures and produce deceptive financial reports. Collusion with
local governments and interest groups facilitates the circumvention
of the minimal accounting rules China maintains.Companies such as
Lantian and Zhengzhou Baiwen Co. Ltd. were, in effect, phony entities
even before their IPOs. And government officials showered praise on
the companies after the IPOs, obscuring the companies' faults.
- Underdeveloped capital market
In many cases, stock
prices in China do not reflect corporate performance or operational
cycles because institutional investors, insiders, and the listed companies
themselves manipulate figures. As a result, investor psychology is
not that of "buy and hold" but rather "buy to trade." Chinese investors
typically focus less on a company's basic performance when making
investment decisions than on the names of the company's key institutional
investors. Thus, managers in a Chinese listed company, unlike their
Western counterparts, are under little pressure to improve performance
and self-discipline.
Article continued
below.
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China's
Enrons
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late July 2001, the China Securities Regulatory Commission
(CSRC) has reprimanded a number of listed companies for
violating provisions relating to financial reporting and
management. A few of the highest-profile cases include:
Guangxia (Yinchuan) Industry Co. Ltd.
Guangxia, a listed pharmaceutical company, falsified profits
for several years to present itself as a fast-growing entity
with sophisticated, state-of-the-art technologies. The company
fabricated sales contracts and export figures and exaggerated
its financial statements, reportedly inflating net profits
by ¥745
million ($90 million). CSRC initiated an extensive probe
of the company in August 2001, and the Ministry of Finance
eventually stripped the accounting license of its longstanding
auditor, leading observers to nickname Guangxia the “Chinese
Enron.”
Sanjiu Pharmaceutical Co.
CSRC uncovered Sanjiu’s troubles in mid-2001. The
listed company, which was reportedly China’s largest
pharmaceutical group, had misappropriated ¥2.5
billion ($302 million) on behalf of a few major shareholders
and related business partners without the consent of other
shareholders or the public. These diversions amounted to
96 percent of the company’s net assets, posing considerable
threat to the company’s operations.
CSRC
reprimanded the senior principals, headed by former military
serviceman Zhao Xinxian, and fined the company ¥150
million ($18.1 million). Major shareholders and related
business partners had repaid ¥349
million ($42.2
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million) to Sanjiu by March 2002. Zhao remains the company’s
legal representative and the company continues to operate,
publishing a quarterly report for the first quarter of 2002.
Lantian Co. Ltd.
Lantian listed on the Shanghai stock exchange in 1996 and
was hailed as the first publicly listed Chinese ecological
agricultural company. Immediately after its IPO, however,
investors grew suspicious of the company’s soaring
share price and incredibly strong profit growth because
its business lines, lake fisheries and lotus processing,
were unlikely to generate profits at that level. In 2000,
the company had reported ¥1.84
billion ($222 million) in sales income but only ¥8.5
million ($1 million) in accounts receivable—an impossible
gap for a legitimate company. Lantian said that it had settled
most of its transactions with cash. Analysts have estimated
that the company fabricated 2000 net profits of up to ¥500
million ($60 million).
Liu
Shuwei, a researcher at the Central University of Finance
and Economics in Beijing, wrote a research paper in October
2001 questioning the company’s financial safety and
sent warnings to state bank officials urging them to reconsider
their lending programs to Lantian. Banks stopped extending
new loans to Lantian and the company’s major creditors,
Citic Industrial Bank and China Minsheng Banking Corp.,
filed lawsuits against the company. CSRC also launched an
investigation of the company’s connected transactions,
suspicious accounts receivables, and inflated earnings.
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Zhengzhou
Baiwen Co. Ltd.
Henan-based Baiwen, a state-owned retail firm, listed on
the Shanghai Stock Exchange in April 1996. Exactly three
years later it became one of the first companies that CSRC
temporarily delisted, after it reported losses of ¥957
($116 million) in 1999—the largest one-year loss by
a listed PRC company. CSRC later found that the company
had inflated profits by ¥19
million ($2.3 million) before its listing and by ¥144
million ($17.4 million) in the three years that it was listed.
The company was reportedly found guilty of insider trading
and publishing misleading annual reports. CSRC also fined
Baiwen’s accountants for falsifying audits. In mid-2002,
leather products firm Sanlian Group finalized a purchase
of 50 percent of the company.
Macat Optics and Electronics Co., Ltd.
Guangdong-based Macat, a motorcycle and camera parts manufacturer,
listed in Shenzhen in July 2000. CSRC began investigating
the company in November 2000 and in September 2001 announced
that the company had fabricated fixed assets of HK$91 million
($12 million) by falsifying imported capital equipment lease
contracts; had inflated sales revenue by HK$301 million
($39 million) by issuing fake foreign trade receipts and
forging sales contracts and customs documents and seals;
and had exaggerated net profits by HK$93 million ($12 million).
In January 2002, the local procuratory office indicted senior
company executives, the external auditor, and the company’s
underwriter and asset appraisal agency for implication in
fraud activities.
—Steven
Shi and Drake Weisert
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A
chorus for reform
Chinese academics and senior officials have published numerous empirical
studies in newspapers and academic journals on the subject of corporate
governance. Some of their recommendations are clearly receiving consideration
by PRC lawmakers. Wu Jinglian, chief economist with the State Council’s
Development Research Center (DRC), has criticized excessive intervention
from the government and parent SOEs and proposed that listed companies
drop their state-owned stakes. Zhang Weiying, professor at Beijing University,
has recommended that the government allow company shareholders to select
corporate managers and that China privatize its state banks. Dai Yuanchen,
an economist at the China Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), believes
that more state industries should be opened to private investors.
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The
prevalent mindset
among SOE managers
is that capital raised
from the financial
markets is free money
that can be squandered
with impunity. |
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Wu and CSRC
Chairman Zhou Xiaochuan have stated that a crucial obstacle to successful
corporate governance of listed companies is “insider control.”
Wang Guogang, vice director of CASS’s Financial Research Institute,
has recommended that companies move toward an institutionalized
management system to alleviate undue influence by individuals. Wu
and Dai proposed the introduction of independent board directorships
to monitor the management of listed companies. And Zhang Chunlin,
an economist at the World Bank, believes China should set up financial
institutions to replace government agencies to monitor enterprise
management. |
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The core of effective
corporate governance lies in the creation of a fair and efficient competitive
market environment, according to Lin Yifu, professor at Beijing University.
Related to this, Zhang Weiying has emphasized the importance of property
rights reform in future legislation. And CASS’s Wang and the World
Bank’s Zhang believe that listed companies should replace stock
issuances with bond issuances as primary sources of capital.
The
Code of Corporate Governance
The corporate scandals and capital flight cases that emerged in mid-2001
prompted officials at CSRC and other state regulatory bodies to put
corporate governance at the top of their list of priorities for 2002.
Reflecting this commitment, in January 2002 CSRC issued the Code of
Corporate Governance of Listed Companies in China.
The new code aims to introduce
solid corporate governance in listed companies by elevating requirements
on accounting procedures and information disclosure, introducing independent
directors’ systems, and tightening the supervision of corporate
management. CSRC officials who drafted the code, and other similar legislation
in the past, used the US legal and regulatory systems as models. Though
the code directly addresses many of the existing problems in China’s
financial sector, it will only prove effective if company managers honestly
implement—and CSRC strictly enforces—its provisions.
Yet these provisions are
promising. For example, the code expands the rights of shareholders.
Article 2 states that minority shareholders should have equal status
with other shareholders and Article 4 gives shareholders the right to
protect their interests through civil litigation and other legal approaches.
Article 8 requires that listed companies make a genuine effort to use
modern telecommunications technologies in shareholders’ general
meetings to improve shareholder participation. And Article 11 gives
institutional investors more weight in the decisionmaking process, including
in the nomination of directors.
The code attempts to strengthen
the roles of the boards of directors and supervisors. According to Articles
29 and 31, a listed company must establish transparent procedures to
select the board of directors, and a listed company in which the controlling
shareholder owns a stake in excess of 30 percent should adopt a cumulative
voting mechanism to ensure the voting interests of minority
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shareholders.
Article 49 requires listed companies to introduce independent
directors who do not hold any other positions within the company.
Articles 60 and 61 state that members of the board of supervisors
must be permitted access to information related to operational
status and be allowed to hire independent intermediary agencies
for professional consultation, without interference from other
company employees.
Finally,
the code includes specific provisions on information disclosure.
Articles 88 and 89 require the listed company to disclose promptly
any information that may have a substantial impact on the decisionmaking
of shareholders or associated parties. Articles 13 and 14 require
the listed company to fully disclose prices of related party transactions
and prohibit it |
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Chinese
investors
typically focus less
on a company’s basic
performance when
making investment
decisions than on the
names of the
company’s key
institutional investors. |
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from providing
financial collateral to related entities. Article 92 requires the listed
company to promptly release detailed information on controlling shareholders.
And Articles 25 and 27 require controlling shareholders to honor the
independence of the listed company and to avoid interfering or directly
competing with the listed entity.
Building
trust
China’s officials and academics are clearly worried that weak
corporate governance is endangering the country’s economic reforms.
And the problem is not limited to public companies, though private companies
are hidden from scrutiny because they are not obligated to publish their
financial data. New laws have addressed a number of the issues of greatest
concern, including information disclosure and financial fraud, but effective
enforcement is by no means assured. China would do well to learn from
its own experience, and that of the United States, and work to improve
public trust in its companies.
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Steven
Shi is a senior consultant at PricewaterhouseCoopers.
Drake Weisert is an assistant editor of The
CBR. |
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China
Business Review, Volume 29, Number 5, September-October 2002

Copyright 1997-2008 by
The China Business Review
All rights reserved.
Last Updated: 29-Aug-02
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